LIBRARY OF 



013 74. 



Hollingi 



E 713 
.073 

Copy 1 



CONSISTENCY 



OF THE NORMAL METES AND BOUNDS 



6f 6«J' Tlep-uhlia. 



■" fn X.i.Jkii .1 XtUf-.n'iTiU.i^ S 



JBWBh 

Ffom Wtiicli the People Should be loathe to Part, 



BY CHARLES A. COMPTON. 



Have you an expansionist friend ? If so, present him this 
book in the name of the Lord and convert him. 



KPrKTT OK .TEFFT3RSON PRTXT. fHAKT>ES TOWN. W. VA. 



CONSISTENCY 



OF THE NORMAL METES AND BOUNDS 



<3f 6^r T^epuHic. 



— f. u -^i^-^Xi:^. '-Lr^mm: 



jBWBb 

Ffom Which the People Should be loalhe to Pari 



Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1899, 
BY CHARLES A. COMPTON, 

In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washingt 



on. 



SPIRIT OP .lEFF-ERSON PRtN'T. OHAKI,F,S TOWX. \V. VA. 



lA 



T>A^O COPIES RECEIVSO. 

'^^^ ' .JA^'4-19f'" 

Isfltfar of Coi.jrifc-ht* 

" Think well. One good thought, 

Known to be thine own. 
Is better than a thousand gleaned 

From fields by others sown." 

Selected. 




53731 

I write not for the sake of party, merely. God forbid that 
I should. I write for the sake of principle. However, if the 
party adapts itself to the principle, then I am found of the 
party. 

SECOND copy; 




" Volitions make acts ; acts oft repeated form habits ; habits 
long continued build character ; character shapes destiny ; and 
not even the Creator himself ever changes destiny." What 
is our nation's will ? 






PREFACE. 



y^. 



4^- ^ ~g g° ^S 



My Dear Observer. — In the name of God and for the 
sake of humanity, I a.sk you to likewise consider this little 
work from beginning to end, and give it the public endorse- 
ment which it deserves. It may have weaknesses, but it is 
laden with truth. 

I am only a man of ordinary circumstances, teaching a pri- 
mary .schoolin the woods, on a hillside, in the Eastern Pan- 
handle of the " Little Mountain State " of West Virginia, but 
I am happily contented with my present attainments in life 
and an humble submission of my future to fate. I am as well 
contented as the President in his chair can be, and above 
other things I owe this to my religious inclinations, my abil- 
ity of judgment, and the quality of my predominant volitions; 
whatever they may be con.sidered by others to be. 

"The ru.st shall find the .sword of fame, 

The du.st shall hide the crown, 
No man shall nail so high his name, 

Time will not tear it down." 

"The happiest heart that ever beat, 

Was in some quiet brea.st 
That breathed the common daylight sweet. 

And left to heaven the rest." 

For this work, I must say that I am strongly inclined to 
regard it as an inspiration wrought through a chain of Divine 



mysteries, and penetrating the veil which separates the human 
within from the superhuman without, to our people. 

I am now confident that in less than one month, by apply- 
ing my spare moments while teaching school, I have written 
a work that will be sold by its millions, and read by people of 
many nations. It will be thought of in field, shop and home. 
It will be quoted from the pulpit and impersonated on the 
stage. It will gradually gain admittance to the hearts of a 
vast people, and be found woven, here and there, in the warp 
and woof of the garment that shall clothe the weal of all good 
governments. 

"Truth, crushed to earth, shall rise again, 

The eternal years of God are hers ; 
While error, wounded, writhes in pain. 

And dies among her worshipers. " 



CHAPTKR I. 

This little work will give a partial vent to the fiery feelings 
which have been kindling within me for some time past. The 
friction, caused by the ])oiicical cunning and treacher}' of the 
times, coming in contact with my regard for our beloved 
country, has created within my soul an ardent heat, which 
can only be abated by the soothing cognizance that the prin- 
ciples and doctrines which I so much cherish, and deem essen- 
tial to the prosperity and longevity of our free institutions 
have culminated in law, proven w^orthy in fair probation, 
and found a safe lodgment in the hearts of .the American 
People. 

I have never taken any very active part in politics farther 
than to remonstrate or approve in a conversational way when 
ojijiortunities were presented. I have had no motives in view 
more than to ground deeper and deeper in the public mind 
those cardinai principles upon which the very foundation of 
our republic rests. 1 am stemming the current of existence 
by the aid of no political ring or clique, and far less do I- help 
to control any ; on the other hand, as is the case with many 
ah innocent voter today, there are local organizations rife 
about me which have certainly been trying to tempt my 
.stability, by holding out allurements to lead me away from 
high ideals and virtuous Democratic principles. But in 
battling the giants with the weapon of patriotism, thanks to 
Protecting Omnipotence, I have become stronger, and am 
ver}- proud of the fact that I have an unfettered and unre- 
.stricted right of suffrage which none can dispute ; an inde- 
pendent vote, the complement of a free will, which is in full 
accord with the principles of democracy, and in complete 
abhorrance with aristocracies and monarchies, especially w^hen 
they are found lurking deceitfully under the cloak of Repub- 
licanism and charging steathily against our freedom. 

My anxiety is verj^ much alert over other great victories, 
which our people must wdn or suffer ignominy in defeat, such 
as the Doivnfall of Trusts, the Overthroiv of ffigh Tariff, the 
mother of trusts, and the Peaceable Restoration of Silver; but, 



in my humble and unselfish opinion, a greater victory than 
any of these lies in the Solution of the Entangle^nents into which 
our recent war with Spain has placed us, in such a manner as 
to rebuke once and for all time, any idea of adopting a policy 
of domineering colonial expansion and to be very wary of 
any other. 

If these questions are not settled in opposition to a colonial 
policy, any sensible person, by taking a glance at the pages of 
history and the present geographical and social conditions of 
the civilized world, will agree that our great republic, which 
we proudly call " The Colossus of The Americas," has reached 
the zenith of its glory, and that sooner or later will be heard 
such expressions as " Westward the course of empire takes its 
way," with the true literal ring to them, and amid lamenta- 
tions instead of hurrahs. 

I believe the defeat of the colonial expansion policy is just 
at this time paramount to all other issues, because the other 
issues have to deal with conditions which have assumed such 
braggart proportions and such arrogancy in their approach 
that they cannot repulse the requisite attention and vigilance 
of our people ; because so direct in their effects, we may hope 
to see their speedy settlement without curtailing the life of 
the republic. We are now a strong people, materially and 
intellectually, and the giant of dangerous conditions wdth 
whi:h other issues have to deal shall not have deceitfnlly 
gained strength too vast for us to control, before exciting and 
creating within us indignation and righteous contempt suffi- 
cient to result in his downfall. But the modern giant of the 
abnormal expansion of our American Republic, though yet in 
his incipiency, causes me to shudder with fear for the safety 
of our one cherished hope — that the long life of our nation, as 
a republic, may surpass that of all the other nations of the 
earth, demonstrating to the world that just governments do 
derive their powers from the consent of the governed. 

This colonial expansion policy, especially if it is successful 
at first, appears to my mind as a great sneaking, lurking, 
chronic disorder of the nation, which is certain of direful 
consequences. As great reforms are not wrought instantly, 
even more so, the gradual shifting from one condition to an- 
other which leads to the corruption, decay and downfall of 
nations is usually slow in its progress ; and to be sensible to 
it, it seems that the human mind has to somewhat magnify its 
conceptions. And yet, not so, as with reforms, this " shifting " 
towards decay of nations is likely to begin at any time when 
the people are not vigilant. Broad and deep must be our 



minds, and grand and noble and unselfish our purposes would 
we comprehend what it is, and steer the old Ship of State clear 
of it. It is so slow in its progress that could one notice the 
growing of the feathers on a duck he might not observe this 
shifting. 

So, why not pardon the McKinley administration for allow- 
ing it to begin this shifting by adopting a colonial govern- 
ment, his " taxation without tryanny " in the Philippines? 
But there are things we can perceive with the eye and under- 
stand with the ear, and there are things we can be conscious 
of ; therefore, as we have reason to believe that the McKinley 
administration, in trying to rule con.scious beings should have 
conscious men at its helm, we must place the responsibility 
where it belongs. Shall we graft this bud of a colonial policy 
upon our national institutions? If so, it shall certainly grow, 
blossom sometime, and sooner or later ripen into its ultimate 
fruit — the ruins of the republic. The bud which puts forth 
the blossom is wonderfully, yet attentively nurtured by 
motlier nature, and the blossom develops into fruit which 
sometimes ripens in early summer, sometimes in late October. 
Ah ! what future generation is it that, by our vote and voice, 
we shall cause to utter the lamentable wail, " Had we not had 
the bud we shouid not have the fruit I " 

A certain class of politicians may preach that a colonial 
policy on such a small scale can not hurt us, and that it will 
bring vast revenues into our treasury, and the like ; but, my 
friends, I exhort you, with all candor, that you be not misled. 
To adopt their colonizing .schemes, would be .setting a dan- 
gerous example, which maj' or may not be followed for a 
generation, an example lurking and direful in its conse- 
quences, an example which would be referred to as a prece- 
dent in making future decisions. 

If we should adopt a colonial policy, the better we sViould 
get along with our colonies, the wor.se it would ultimately be 
for us," and the worse we should get along with them the bet- 
ter it wouid ultimately be for us. A burnt child dreads the 
fire, if he is not burnt up in it, and will learn to keep away 
from it, but if he continues to play about it without receiving 
little burns, he is liable at .some time in the future to be con- 
sumed in one great conflagration. The McKinley adminis- 
tration might get children to play with tolonial fire, but they 
will surely have a task to get Uncle Sam into it. 

Suppo.se we should recognize the giant of expan.sion and 
adopt a colonial policy and get it in charming good working 
order. Greed is never satisfied. The shifting changes of 



time would, sooner or later, make it possible for us to fasten 
our grip upon something more, and we could not withstand 
the temptation. We would say look at the glorious colonial 
policy of President McKinley. And we might continue various 
forms of expansion, when slightest opportunities were pre- 
sented, and reach out farther and farther until we had 
absorbed the whole American Continent and the islands of the 
sea. AH this might be accomplished in a few decades, and 
again, it may require centuries. Who can tell by looking at 
the blossom whether the apple shall ripen in June or October ? 
And yet who would not agree that it is a sign of fruit ? 
Patriots of America, have you brains ? I am loathe to believe 
otherwise than that you have, and of a superior quality, 
too. Then use them in exercising a little practical love for 
your country. 

Imagine we should reach the collossal development I have 
'just described. What glory gould there be in it. For then, 
and long before that time, would we see corruption, which 
would be sustained by low designing statesmen, and sectional 
jealously, as a natural consequence of various social, climatic 
and geographical differences, gnawing at our very vitals and 
calling down the doom of empires old. Our great Civil War 
was chiefly the result of natural sectional differences, as 
everybody will agree ; and if it was a result of natural sectional 
differances in our home country, who can imagine the extent 
of the liabilities we would incur, by extending our national 
wings, and brooding over all races, and all the various sec- 
tional differences and conditions from the North Pole to the 
South Pole, through all the zones and amid all climes ? The 
(Tivil v^ar was more of an acute disease than this colonial ex- 
pansion malady is likely to be. We could tell better what 
remedies to apply to it, and how. We could better endure a 
dozeii such civil strifes at different intervals than be plagued 
with this chronic expansion trouble. The best thing to do 
with it is to " nip it in the bud," before it gets to spreading, or 
it will attack all the vital organs of Uncle Sam's being, and 
then no remedy, save death only, can relieve the grand old 
victim. 

If we should assume the proportions to which I have al- 
luded, then and perhaps while insatiate greed is planning for 
the possession of Australia for a potato patch, great civil 
strifes are liable to loom up and result in the nation's downfall. 
How ea.sy it would be for the Southern States to join the 
outh American Republics and remove our capital, our mod- 
ern Rome, to a modern Constantinople; and what facilities 



there would be for the Northern States to join Canada and 
do the same thing. Shall we drift into policies to achieve all 
this vain glory, or shall we rather adhere to the patriotism of 
our forefathers, and preserve the nation, which they conceived 
for us, in sacred trust ? I am opposed to expansion ! and I 
would say it loudly ! 

I believe it was never intended that one nation should rule 
the earth ; and history corroborates the assertion. Nations, as 
well as human beings, were intended to have a normal size 
and a social spirit, and the greater the departure from these 
natural conditions, the greater will be dame nature's punish- 
ment, for she is impartial. ( But we should remember, though, 
that nations are, naturally, only convenient dummies which 
have people to do their thinking for them.) Methinks, the 
normal size and the social spirit of nations is a sublime thought. 
What man of 150 pounds of usefulness is it that would 
desire to take on 75 pounds more of corpulency and corruption, 
thus jeopordizing his health and pleasure ? So we should think 
for our Grand Dnmni}-. I believe the normal metes and 
bounds of our country are fairly established ; and I mean 
without Hawaii, without Cuba, without Porto Rico, without the 
Philippines. Upon the map of the world our country presents 
an appearance of neatness and location, and a location of 
which I am proud. I give my hand and my heart to the cause 
of anti-expansion, and in the language of Henry H. Harri- 
son's poetic prayer, I exclaim, "O Prince of Peace, make us 
content !" 

"Very well," perhaps some expansionist may say, "but you 
should not pull down your barn before you can build a better 
one. What about the Philippines ?" To this I would reply we 
can build a better one ; and we are going to employ a master 
workman from the West to surperintend the work. It seems 
to me that no reasonable person would suppose that we should 
suddenly withdraw our arm}' from the Philippines. But Vv^e 
can quit ourselves like men, high-minded men, and go to that 
Aguinaldo band of patriots, with honest confessions, and tell 
them, that, while a few of us, chiefly the McKinley Adminis- 
tration regime, had intended to compel you to become a colo- 
nial dependenc}- of the United States, a majority of us after 
careful deliberating had decided that it was neither best for 
you nor for ourselves to do so. W^e are duty bound, though, 
to see that a government is adopted for you which shall secure 
life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness to all, and we mean that 
that government shall be entirely independent of the. United 
States. Now, while we have had such regard for you as to 



lO 



deliver you from the bonds of colonizing conspiracies, and 
while we are yet obliged to see that you adopt a just govern- 
ment, equally administered, and modeled after that of the 
United States, a goverment of yourselves, for yourselves, and 
by yourselves, we shall ask that government to pay our future 
expenses incurred in the pursuance of this course, and when 
this government shall have been put in perfect working order, 
we shall leave you an independent nation. Will you consent 
to these propositions and lay down your arms ? 

Methinks, I hear the assenting voice of the Aguinaldo con- 
stituency thundering in grateful tones across the Pacific, that 
sea of peace \vhich only divides us, over the mountain barriers 
to the uttermost parts of our country, and echo wafting back 
to the Philippines our right good will, instead of a deceitful 
lust for blood and gold. We should need to make such a 
treaty as I have suggested very specific, and the Philippinos 
will assent to it. If they should not, then we would be justi- 
fied in shooting. But we shall not have to shoot. We shall 
need to restrict ourselves very conscientiously in the treaty, 
■ though, in order to gaurantee to the Philippinos that we are 
not trying to mislead them. The kind of government which 
we would put in operation, the maximum limit of expenses, 
and the length of time required to do the work should be stip- 
ulated in the treaty. This can all be done. I believe we 
would be justified in shooting if the Philippinos would not 
consent to such a treaty, because our position is such that we 
are morally bound to secure protection to the foreign residents 
of those islands, and the natives which want enduring peace 
and freedom. There is no reason why we cannot graft upon 
t-iem a better government than Spain has imposed upon them, 
and there is is no reason why they cannot pay us for it out of 
their resources. We would be justified in adopting this course 
toward the Philippinos, and we would secure its ju.stification 
at the hands of any rational tribunal, terrestrial or celestial, 
which we should desire always to do in all our actions as a 
Christian nation. 

We would be justified in pursuing such a course and exact- 
ing from the Philippinos payment of our expenses in that 
course, for it is right, and it is the only way I see we can clear 
ourselves of iniquity in our relations with them. Such a 
course would deliver them from darkness and bondage into 
the light of liberty and civilization. But we would never be 
justified in asking them to pay our expenses, which we in- 
curred in conducting this iniquitous war against them, up to 
the time we proposed to them their independence ; for the die- 



1 1 



tators of the McKinley Adminstration have had wrong 
motives to lead them in their conduct of this war. Their 
motives have been to keep the Philii^pinos in bondage and 
subjection, and that, too, as a dependency of a civilized nation 
— a nation whose cherished declaration has always been that, 
just governments derive their powers from the consent of the 
governed ; a nation which has always stood for freedom and 
the eciuality of all men before the law : a nation whose people 
with i)ri(le have always jiointed their youth to the noble char- 
acter of \Vm. Penn, which is portrayed in his conversation 
with King Charles concerning the American Indians, and in 
the history of his dealings with them ; a nation which, with 
great dis])lay of moral feeling, recently reached down to raise 
the Creoles of Cuba from bondage to freedom. Is such a 
nation as this now going to approve the course of the McKin- 
ley dictators and make the Philipjiinos its bondsmen ? Shall 
we. as a father jiitieth not his children, adopt a following of 
colonized dependencies, and, as a writer of the Baltimore 
American suggests, establish a colonial bureau in the war 
department, { yes, there is where it belongs,) under a less 
exciting name? Never ! Waft it on the rolling tide ! Never ! j 

" May our prayer for others be 
That every people shall be free." 

Why should we free the Cuban from the tyranny of another 
nation and make the Philippino our bondman ? Surely, such 
a course would more nearly satisfy bigotry and greed than 
manifest a benevolent spirit. Have we not been at as much 
expense in Cuba's behalf as we have in conducting the 
iniquitous war in the Philippines ? Have we not in a right- 
eous humor ( ? ) promised the Cubans an independent govern- 
ment. Why should not the Philippinos have an independent 
government al.so ? Why should we not just as gratuitously 
cancel our expense account made in our relations with the 
Philippinos as to cancel the one made in behalf of Cuba, 
especially since our misconduct and our attempt to oppress 
these poor people have made it so great as it is ? Are not the 
Philippinos so capable of self government as are the Cubans ? 

Although Admiral Dewey nor any other American may not 
have promised the Philippinos their freedom, Aguinaldo 
reasoned well when, as the Philippine Commission states, he 
issued a proclamation inducing the Philippinos to expect to 
obtain their freedom through the good offices of the govern- 
ment of the United States. He thought he was ju.st as capable 



12 



ot enjoying life, libert}' and the pursuit of happiness as was 
the Cuban Creole. And why should he not ? By this very 
act he exhibited prudence and capabilities for statesmanship. 
He knew we declared war against Spain for the freedom of 
the oppressed Cubans, who were similarh' oppressed by Spain 
as was his kindred, only perhaps more severely for their 
greater resistance. 

The Philippine Commission may well denounce the severe 
rigor and strict censorship of the Spanish rule in the islands ; 
but it maj^ not well remain tacitly indifferent as to the con- 
dition of the Americans there, and their censorship and con- 
duct toward the natives. I fear that if it were all exposed 
the better element of our population would be heard to wail, 
" E/z, Eli, lama Sabachthani'' " My God, why hast thou for- 
saken me." Then, too, some of our " would be " Baal Priests, 
who have no higher estimate of religion than even the Phar- 
isaic, than that it consists in posing well in a good name 
before the people, may well pray repentently, " God be merci- 
ful to me, a sinner." 

People of different nations are not much unlike regarding 
their tendencies toward moral and immoral conduct, when the 
chief prevailing conditions are alike. When immoral conditions 
are rife, and even reigning, those who are not much morally 
inclined are going to drift with those conditions into immor- 
arlity. And they will be none the less apt to do so where King 
Greed is on the throne than anywhere else. Immorality in its 
various phases is bound to be fostered by him. King Greed 
was chief of the Spanish rule in the Philippines, and under 
his tutilage do we see cruelty and immoralty in their varied 
forms looming up, and being protected by a censorship so 
strict as to practically prevent the whole civilized world from 
knowing anything about it, until that censorship gave way to 
American censor.ship ; and then, of course, it was all disclosed 
and wafted to the uttermo.st parts of the earth. And it is 
only the old accusation of the " kettle calling the pot black," 
in pantomine upon the world's stage, and any person with a 
sound mind that looks upon it, if disposed to be impartial, 
will agree that this is the correct interpretation of it. Yes, 
King Greed was on the throne in the Philippines under vSpan- 
ish cen.sorship, and he is now on the throne there under 
American cen.sorship, and will be so long as we continue to 
exploit our power there for the purpose of keeping the Phil- 
ippmos in bondage and annexing their dominion to our gov- 
ernment against their will. So long as he is on the throne 
there under the auspices of any nation, he is going to fo.ster 



13 



vice and immorality and screen it from the world by his cen- 
sorship. Why is American censorship any better than 
Spanish censorship if it is instituted for the same 
low degraded design — the oppression and bondage 
of an already down-trodden people ? Surely a difference in 
their conscientiousness is hard to_see. So long as King Greed 
rules our army in the Philippines, we had rather accept than 
doubt the greater part of the reports concerning immoral 
practices of nianj' of our soldiers there. The soldiers of King 
Greed are apt to become a little greedy. He sets the example 
for them and promises them protection if they follow it ; for 
it is by extortion and excess that he expects to make his reign 
profitable. He must get his emissaries and soldiers to pattern 
after him if he would succeed. 

Admitting, then, that under the circumstances the soldier is 
likely to have a desire to satisfy greed, we must acknowledge 
that above all things else to be watched, save the devil and a 
greedy nation, is the ma7i of greed. He will do almost any- 
thing that is immoral to gratify greed — the idol of his heart. 
And by so doing he will become .so indifferent to nobilit}' of 
action and purpo.se as to tolerate other immoral conditions 
which may not even have the slightest tendency to satisfy 
his greed. 

Having these precepts, then, we need not wonder what the 
future condition of affairs in the Philippines will be if we 
adopt a colonial policy and continue a system of ransacking 
and carpet-bagging there. We need not wonder at the reports 
we have already heard as to un.scrupulous conditions that 
obtain there. \\'e need not wonder when we are told that 
sickness and death prevails among our .soldiers as a result of 
disease contracted by their association with the natives. And 
in the light of the foregoing premises we need not be amazed 
or astonished when we learn that a few days ago the Secretary 
of War manifested his support to indecent customs, when he 
chartered a vessel at the expense of the government 1o trans- 
port a cargo of women, which he pleased to call wives a^.d 
sweethearts of the soldiers, from New York to the Philip- 
pines. Who ever heard of such an act in the histor> of civil- 
ized warfare ? — Transporting a cargo of women and dumping 
them down in a soldier's camp, where we are told pestilences 
exist worse than are known to the direst places of pro.stitution 
and disgrace in this country ! Ay, truly, we must admit that 
the American soldier, even, lacks .sound wisdom and di.scre- 
tion when he announces such invitation, whether it be by 
reason of his own fond affection and amiable moral intentions. 



14 



or as a base pretense. The soldier is said to be comparatively 
idle in the Philippines ; and though the strictest military dis- 
cipline prevails, which we^ have reason to doubt, whenever 
idleness is enlisted under the banner cf greed it is likely to 
beget vice. The eye of reason penetrates the veil of Ameri- 
can censorship to portray tl;e present conditions that prevail ; 
and to interpret the future, so long as King Greed is on the . 
throne and the mere lust for blood and gold .sways a domi- 
nating influence. If the Philippine soldiers and their so-called 
wives and sweethearts expect to ever come home again, the 
sooner we call them from that errand of prodigality and greed 
the better will we protect our people from the visitations of 
iniquity. 

Contrast the life of a soldier or an officer who is .sent on a 
mission of prodigality, bondige and gre^d, with the life of 
one whose mission is to foster prospmty, morality, liberty 
and enlightenment. Which one is it that will mo.st likely deal 
with the people to whom he is sent with a feeling of fond anx- 
iety ? And which one is it that will act with a spirit of indif- 
ference regarding their moral and material pro.sperity ? Oh, 
had we not better, if only for the sake of the boys in blue, 
even, grant the Philippino independance and lend him a help- 
ing hand amid his cries of " Excelsior," and his .struggles in 
trying to ascend the .steeps of civilization ? 

I know that censorship may try to refute logical hypothe- 
.ses, but it cannot do it. Dictative expansionists may say that 
we are painting the picture too dark. They may say that the 
object of a United States colonial sovereignty in the Philip- 
pines is not to gratify greed. They may say that the object of 
such sovereignty there is not to make that people our bond- 
men or an inferior national caste ; but I tell you this is not 
so, and they do not speak the truth when they say it. If they 
do not make them our bondmen in any sen.se, or an inferior 
caste, which is bound to be treated with indifference by 
superiors as .soon as the line is drawn, there is only one thing 
else which they can do with them, and that is to give that 
10,000,000 Philippinos citizen.ship, which would be a far 
greater crime committed against our national self-preserva- 
tion than to make them our t'fer?ia/ bondmen. 

The average Philippino is far inferior to the average Amer- 
ican citizen to-day, and that being the ca.se, is it wise states- 
man.ship to make him a citizen ? Have we not about as much 
of the inferior element among us already as we can hope to 
even uj) morally, socially, physically, intellectually, and 
financiallv ; which we mu.st do would we attain to heights of 



"5 



civilization not yet reached. We are compelled to do this 
and to carry this element which we already have with us to a 
broader enlightenment, or we may well not attempt the jour-' 
ney as a republic ; for the republic may undergo transition 
before the desired goal is reached and assume an imperial 
state of being and then lag, It is a historically illustrated 
and corroborated fact that when republics are found separating 
their people into castes they are retrograding and speedily 
drifting toward imperialism and aristocratic rule. 

Yes, it is unwise for a republic, which is the best form of 
government for the common people, to do anything which 
may have a tendency to divide its people into castes. To the 
expan.sionists who would make the Philippino either our 
bondman or citizen, with a pretense of elevating him, I say, 
" Thou hypocrite, first cast out the beam that is in thine own 
eye, and then shalt thou see clearly to cast the mote out of 
thy' brother's eve." If we would be living monuments to the 
honor of the republic we must stand solidly for the interests, 
the elevation, and the equality, as near as possible, of all the 
people, and especially the common people. 

I say regarding our own present conditions ft would not be 
wise to make the Philippino a citizen, as he is an inferior 
human to us ; and we dare not make him our bondman in any 
sense, bv adopting a colonial policy, because of reesons al- 
ready stated and others which I shall presently elicit. But 
we do dare to grant him liberty and provide for him and the 
foreigners there a just and independent government, and also 
compel him to submit to that proposition. And I think that 
Aguinaldo and his con.stituency are fair and wise enough to 
peaceably .submit to that proposition. I believe that by adopt- 
ing that course the Philippinos would become imbued with 
well-founded hopes. They would look forward with expec- 
tation and desire for the elevation of their race. They would, 
if they have common sense, which we know they have, con- 
sider our nation as their friend, and they would be found in- 
cessantly and in multifarious ways knocking at our doors for 
help and entreating us to turn on the true search-light of civili- 
zation in such a manner that we could not refuse without det- 
riment to ourselves in a pecuniary sencse, as well as in diso- 
bedience to the Divine injunction " I.et your light so shiue 
before men that others seeing your good works may glorify 
your father which is in heaven." Then would we, as Wm.J. 
Bryan said, be .sending sehool-teachers to the Philippines in- 
.stead of soldiers. In this course lies the true solution of the 
Philippine problem. Ay, methinks we would soon hear them 



i6 



seeking admission to onr national union with right good will. 
The "little upstart" would now and then be found seeking 
protection from the blasts of the world, by trying to hide 
under the folds of Uncle Sam's coat ; and in a sense of co-op- 
eraiion and benevolence, in other words in the exercise of 
that "social spirit of nations," he may in accord with all right- 
eousness and self-preservation occasionally protect the little 
urchin, yet probably not every time could he do it without 
treading upon the rights of other national personages. In 
this direction even, he will need to exercise discretion. Well 
have sages said, " Wisdom is the principal thing; therefore 
get wisdom." Uncle Sam is a dummy, but he can get wise 
people to think for him yet. 

But let me say that the climax of my thought here is — and 
I would to God that I might be able to paint it in great bril- 
liancy on the skies clear around our celestial dome, so that as 
long as the earth revolves every American citizen could read 
it as a precept and a warning worthy to be followed in this 
"trying hour," and in all future circumstances involving the 
question of expansion — It is this : ITncle Sam should 7icver 
take that little thing under his coat to protect it with a view 
to adopting it into his famih^ as an heir to his domain ; for if 
he does there will .soon be a "fuss" in his family that will 
result in the bond of union being broken, the loss of family 
sympathy, and the creation of jealousies and enmities Vvdiich 
will stand as enduring barriers to prevent the free exercise of 
that "righteous co-operation" and God-like ".social spirit of 
nations." 

I claim we can never, with national prudence, admit the 
Philippinos, though that people's strength and physical beauty 
ma}- range anywhere from what it is to that of Sampson, and 
though their wisdom may range anywhere from what it is to 
that of vSolomon. May God protect our nation from admitting 
the Philippinos even when their will accords with such a 
proposition. The distinguished Mr. John vSherman publicly 
announced ju.st before the election this year that he is opposed 
to annexing the Philippines again.st their will. I now would 
know if he favors annexing them should their will accord 
with such action. Dare he sa}^ he does ? Dare any statesman 
say he does ? Show him to me ! I say he lacks wisdom or he 
is prompted to do so by some unrighteous and unpatriotic lust. 
What .statesman would dare admit 10,000,000 inferior people 
to citizenship in this country ? The question reminds me of 
the advice which my mother has often given me about marry- 
ing, and it .sounds too proverbial to even be original with her. 



17 



I have heard her say " Never marry until you can better 
yourself. " And I have found that this precept requires care- 
ful interpretation. When could I better myself ? was a great 
question. And it now looms up before Uncle Sam in regaad 
to his espousal to Miss Philippine. 




CHAPTER II. 

I do not wish to be understood as being opposed to mar- 
riage. But I say, Uncle Sam, you'd better watch. You poor 
old widower. You've got a family which is about as much as 
you can take care of. You'd better stay at home and attend 
to your own business, and quit your courtin', if you are court- 
in', like an old fogy. ( There he comes now. I wonder if he 
has heard me. ) 

Uncle Sam, you seem troubled about something. It cannot 
be you are in love ? Here is a chair. Sit down. Perhaps a lit- 
tle rest may do you good, and, possibly I can say something 
to cheer you up and benefit you. 

You look so much worried, my good old man. You have 
so much to attend to and so many family cares devolving 
upon you. And it seems like your cares are becoming more 
numerous and varied every day, too. Uncle Sam, do you 
think you could stand the pressure if your family was twice 
as large as it is ? I know you have wonderful vigor, but I 
don't believe you could. You'd collapse. 

Uncle Sam, is the rumor that you are espoused to Miss Phil- 
ippine true? Or is it only a jest ? You really do seem bofh- 
ered, but you don't look like a man in love, it .seems to me. 
I can't think you're so old as to be getting childish— Really 
are you in love with Miss Philippine .'' 

If you are I don't want you to become insulted with me 
now, becau.se I have always been devoted to you, and I am 
going to tell you for your own good, that if you are in love 



l8 



with Miss Philippine I don't think you ought to be. Because, 
Dear Uncle, I think you are getting too old to marry, and 
your circumstances won't justify it. Besides, if they would, 
I don't think that Miss Philippine is the girl for you. She is 
not adapted to you at all, and even if she were, don't you 
think she is too far away from home ? I think if you would 
do a little courtin' you might find somebody nearer home that 
would suit you better — but, pshaw, Uncle, talk about you 
courtin' and marryin' ! Nonsense ! I don't think it would be 
for your good for 3'ou to do any courtin', or to get married, 
at all. 

I have something in my little library which I read some- 
time ago that may help you to form a very wise decision. If 
you will tarry I will read it to you. Here is some of it. 
Tennyson says — Now, mind you, I do not mean to compare 
Miss Philippine to a savage, but I say, though, she deserves 
credit for what she is under the circumstances, she is inferior 
to you, and for that reason, among others, she is not adapted 
to you, I know you would not think of marrying a savage 
for her wealth if she were as rich as John Bright. But I think 
as Miss Philippine is your inferior, what Tennyson says here 
may be construed as having some bearing upon your case, if 
you are allured in any way by her sweet .seducing charms. He 
says here : 

"I, to herd with narrow foreheads, vacant of our glorious 

gains ; 
Like a bea.st with lower pleasures, like a beast withlower 

pains. 



" Mated with a squalid savage, what to me were sun or 

clime; 
I the heir of all the ages in the foremost files of time. 



" I that rather held it better men .should perish one by one, 
Than that earth should stand at gaze, like Joshua's moon in 
Ajalon. 

'' Never, though my mortal summers to such 'length of years 

.should come, 
As the many wintered crow that leads the clanging rookery 

home." 



19 



And then this wise old bard says over here, in another 
place : 



"The jingling of the guinea helps the hurt that honor 

feels, 
And the nations do but murmur, snarling at each other's 

heels. 



Uncle Sam, you'd better be careful. It seems to me I have 
heard you handling a good deal of money lately. Have you 
been taking it in or giving it out? Have you been fingering 
•any English guineas ? Do you think it is right to marry for 
money ? Can it be that a man who is as well fixed as yon 
are, and as wise as you are, would marry for money without 
any consideration for the things you marry with it ? My 
mother has often said " Beware of marrying for money " and 
I think it is a good exhortation. Uncle Sam, cheer up now 
old man and own to the corn. Would you think of trying to 
love and marry Miss Philippine, your inferior, because only 
think she has money ? What are you smiling about ? Your 
own folly ? Or at the thought of your relatives becoming so 
much agitated over a false rumor ? Yes, I am certain, it is 
only the thought of the agitation of your people over this 
false rumor that causes you to smile. I know you are not 
such an old fogy as to think of trying to love and marry Miss 
Philippine under the circum.stances, and even when she hasn't 
exhibited the slightest inclination to such thoughts toward 
you, but has been trying to buffet you ever since the rumor 
was started. I know you have more sense than to mistake 
her little proffered co-operation for her deliverance from bond- 
age, for a tond love for you. 

Longfellow says, "who can tell what thoughts and visions 
fill the fiery brains of young men?" But I cannot be mistaken 
as to the thoughts that play upon your braincells in regard to 
this affair. You know full well that your marriage to Miss 
Philippine, your inferior, would probably cause mental degen- 
eration among the members of your family with whom she 
would associate, and you are too wise to err in this matter. 
You are right wary of a decline of intelligence. 

You know, as Shakespeare says, " There was a time 
when it the brains were out the man would die." Wxiy 
Uncle Sam you seem to smile an approval of what I have 
.said. Here is your hat. Good morning, sir. 



20 



Well, the poor old man is gone. He seemed to enjoy my 
little talk. He is a good old man, and I believe he thinks a 
good deal of me. I should certainly be very sorry to see him 
get into trouble about anything, much less a silly courtship, 
which a man in his circumstances shouldn't think about. 




-,<Oo 



CHAPTER III. 

I can not believe there is a statesman in the land, even a 
follower of President McKinley, or he himself, who would 
think of making the Phiiippino a citizen, and granting him 
representation in our legislative halls, to-day. This being the 
case, let us now see w^hat course would most probably be fol- 
lowed should we not place him on a footing of independence. 
There is only one other course to be taken and that is to 
adopt an iniquitous colonial policy ; and all will admit that 
the only advantage which can be gained thereby is a pecu- 
niary one, and that the extent of that pecuniary advantage is 
embraced in the extent of the assets of our oppression and tax- 
ation in one form or another above the liabilities incurred by 
our various mutinous institutions. Oppression and taxation 
without representation, which Patrick Henry in the climax of 
all his sublime patriotic eloquence called tyranny, and taxation 
which President McKinley in a modern political campaign 
tirade would deceitfully or through ignorance make the peo- 
ple believe is not tyranny. Well did Wm. J. Bryan say, " H 
we adopt a colonial policy ; if we pursue a course which 
excited the Revolution cf 1776, we must muffle the tones of 
Old Liberty Bell, and speak in dusky whispers when we 
praise the patriotism of our forefathers." His words are like 
apples of gold in pictures of silver. Expansionists are not 
saying much about the nature of the proclamation of Old 
Liberty Bell and our forefathers just now- ; and when they do 
they always evade the applicable truth, or put a perverse con- 



21 



struction upon it ; something like, "Taxation without repre- 
sentation is not tyranny. " 

it we adopt a colonial policy in the Philippines the only 
purpose ni it is to extort them of their wealth and thus insti- 
tute a system of drainage upon the essentials of their vitality 
and subsistence. Now can we by these exactions and extor- 
tions better prepare them by force for citizenship .-' 1 say no ! 
no ! Arid we should thank Providence that we can not ; for 
It IS not best for us to have their citizenship. This being the 
case, then the question naturally arises: Shall we act toward 
them with intentions of making them citizens at some tuture 
date, when in all probability they will not be as well qualihed 
tor citizenship as they now are, or shall we act toward them 
witli a view to making them our perpetual bondmen.'' God 
lorbid that we should do either, it would be imposing injus- 
tice as great as the unjust taxation itself. And we would 
at sometime bring in the harvest of all this evil sowing ; for 
truly, " Vv hat.soever a man soweth tnat sliall he also reap." 
Ail history, in every instance, proclaims to us that bitter 
iruits have always Deen Drought nome by every people who 
have attempted to enslave another in any way. And all history 
argues and decides that we cannot, by imposing a colonial 
policy of extortion and excess upon the Philippino, better 
prepare him tor citizenship. 

we should remember that even the colonizing systems of 
iiuropean monarciiie.s are far superior, and that most ot them 
are lar more humane and tostenng m their nature than any 
we could possibly devise tor the Philippines. We should 
remember that it has been a vital principle m nearly all their 
colonizing plans to send settlers from among their own people 
and their own race, whom they had a paternal fondness ror, and 
whom, in most instances have gone to subdue savage wilds, 
and develop sparsely settled districts. Dare we attempt to 
bring such purposes of colonization down to a level with any 
policy we could devise lOr the Philippines t Contrast such 
systems with our purposes, to go oat among our antipodes, to 
a territory moie thickly settled than our Southern States 
would be, were the whole population of the Jiiion crowded 
into them— to a territory witn 10,000,000 people thus thickly 
settled, and of another race, whom we, as well behaved human 
beings, have no paternal fondness or natural atfection for, 
save a brotherly love, which would begin to steadily decline 
as soon as the domineering process w^as instituted. The fra- 
ternnal love of aay t^vo orocners, oae of whom is thought by 
both to be accorded more liberty than the other, is going to 



wane and even degenerate into jealosy which will cause 
trouble. Contrast the European systems of colonization insti- 
tuted for the purpose of finding homes for their dense popula- 
tions in sparsely settled districts, among savage wilds, with our 
system proposed for the Philippines, which is instituted for 
nothing in God's world but to gratify greed ; and then dare 
say, in the broad light of reason, that should we adopt this 
system we should ever criticise monarchical institutions. 

Think what a fallacy it is for a nation that has undeveloped 
resources within its domain to provide for the natural increase 
of population for the next 150 years to go to the opposite side 
of the globe and institute a cruel system of " taxation with- 
out representation " upon an already over-populated territory. 
Is it not the greatest manifestation of greed, hoggishness and 
nonsense every heard of ? Shame come upon the American voter 
who would support such a proposition ! Oh! I say, be wary, or 
the unrighteous exercise of your ballot may prove to be " the 
mark of the beast in the forehead or in the hand." Shall this 
government which has denounced taxation without represen- 
tation as tyranny, and which has always opposed the advance 
of monarchical institutions, now institute a colonial policy 
which monarchies might well consider beneath their dignity ? 
If it should, it would by so doing nicely pantomime the life 
and fate of Capt. Wm. Kidd, who went out to capture sea 
pirates and in so doing became the greatest of them all. 



-'•^-e>§ 




CHAPTER IV. 



It is ridiculous and traitorous to talk of colonizing the Phil- 
ippines with a view to preparing them for citizenship. And 
if we could do it, and should admit them to representative cit- 
izenship, I know of no other act that would better demonstrate 
to the world that our people were rapidly becoming incapaci- 
tated for self-government. Why, monarchies would cite such 



23 



an act with sneers whenever popular government should be 
mentioned. It is with wise policy that European nations waive 
representative citizenship to colonies composed of their owai 
kindred and posteriiy. England is w^ell aware that for her to 
grant her colonies representation, to-day, would work her 
ruin. She was v/ell aware that in the Colonial Period of this 
country it was not conducive to her best interests to even 
grant her beloved American colonies representation in Parlia- 
ment — colonies composed of her own posterity and her own 
race; and rather than do .so she would suffer them to declare in- 
dependance in 1776, and meet them on the field of battle even, 
on that footing, give up her sovereignty, and suffer the gloom 
of defeat. And by so doing she .set an example which repub- 
lics, even, may do well to follow, especially when disgraced 
with a colonizing system imposed upon an alien race, She 
has .studied Roman hi.story too well to not know when that 
empire reached the zenith of her glory. She has studied 
ancient hi.story too well to not know what cau.sed the decline 
of all the world-wide empires. And she is now prospering 
and rearing her name above other nations of the earth, by the 
counter-example .set by the nations before her. 

It is exceeding puerile for our people to think of expanding 
our territorial limits, much less opening the doors of our leg- 
islative halls to the various alien peoples thereby encom- 
pa.ssed. No ; It would be unwise to make the Philippine a 
citizen ; it would be unwise to make him our eternal bondman ; 
but it would be wi.se and righteous to treat with him on a 
footing of independence and to compel him to submit to it 
.should he refuse to do .so. 

There is only a mere doubtful pecuniary advantage to be 
gained by not granting him independence, and to maintain 
that we would impede his advancement in civilization, and 
imperil our owai beloved country with a colonial policy-— a 
great sneaking, lurking, chronic disorder— an expansion 
malady, which would certainly at some day work di.sa.ster and 
ruin to our nation, the grand memento and handiwork which 
we have inherited by virtue of the wisdom of our fore- 
fathers. 

Capitalists can be honorable ; and doubtless many are. 
(But I would make millionaires who have safe investments 
ashamed to farther accumulate or to live in prodigality amid 
the hungering and di.stress,, the sorrow and heartache in our 
land, when they could .so grandly utilize their surplus 

income. ) 

I fear there are capitali.sts promulgating expansion for the 



24 



love of money, which, by hardening their hearts they have 
mistaken for patriotism. A strong appeal to their con- 
sciences, which they have greatly smothered with evil desires, 
might incline them to follow not the forbidden path. I fear 
there are capitalists who for the sake of greed would favor 
expansion or any other evil. 1 fear there are capitalists who 
for the sake of gree4 would convert our republic into an em- 
pire which would pay them tribute. I fear there are capital- 
ists who would supersede the natural competency and inde- 
pendence of the laboring class with artificial incompetency 
aad depeiKience upon a vain, besotted, gounnandized aristoc- 
racy. I fear there are capitalists wlio nave already conceived 
the immigration of tne pauper class of Pnilipinos. I fear 
there are capitalists who too much desire mutual combination 
of capital and diversity and opposition of labor, i fear there 
are capitalists who khow thai n we adopt the Philippino he 
could come to this country as a citizen in spite of any consLst- 
tnt legislation, and should he come, they could send him to 
tne polls with his ballot as a tribute to their greedy de- 
sires. 

i hope I am mistaken in these presumptions. I wish I 
were. i5Ut observation and consciousnessness would make me 
believe i am not. 

To the gross immoral sensualist who views nothing in 
national attairs as patriotic except that which in some way 
pa>s homage to greed, let me say again, and with all tne em- 
phasis I can summon, that the advantage to be gained 
from adopting the l^hilippino is even pecuniarily a most 
doubtful one. 

It we should .strive against the decrees of Almighty God so 
plainly exemplihed in history ; If we should undertake the 
blasphemy of brandishing the sword over an unwilling people 
to make them christians ; If we should forcibly impose taxa- 
tion upon the Philippines ; If we should undertake the 
absurdity of forcibly enthroning commerce, which always 
rests upon amity ; If we should do all this, then, in order to 
perpetuate all this crime, a con.servative estimate of the 
expenses of the requisite military regime is $60,000,000 per 
annum. 

You will agree then that this amount mu.st be overbalanced 
by the credits of oppression and taxation in order to make our 
licen.sed crime profitable in a i^ecuniary sense. Now, how 
under heaven are we to make ^60,000,000 out of the Philip- 
pine establishment, when vSpain, with the most odious and 
oppressive taxation, including a per capita tax on Chinese 



Coolies, has only been able to realize about $13,500,0003 year 
from those islands ? Is it possible we shall plunder those 
innocent people worse than Spain ? Any sensible person 
should know, that owing to new conditions that would prevail, 
we should have to plunder that people much worse than Spain 
of we would even realize the meager sum of $13,500,000, as 
she did. The United States would undoubtedly want free 
trade for herself in the Philippines and the extent of her trade 
there would detract just that much from her revenues. 

Considering this matter in all the light of understanding, 
we must conclude, that by this course of force and might 
against right, there is to be gained not even a pecuniary 
advantage, but on the other hand a deficit of something like 
$50,000,000 will be exhibited annually, which must be raised by 
taxation at home or leave our nation in debt. Why, it seems 
to me that an expansionist is not capable of reasoning on 
financial matters. 

Dare he say this deficit will be made up in increased trade ? 
Dare he say we can afford to create this national deficit, 
because it will be many times repaid in trade ? Then I answer, 
first, that a true republic would know no castes among its peo- 
ple, and will not thus legislate to benefit certain classes and 
oppress the masses. Then I would say, secondly, that ive can 
not fitake up this deficit by increased trade secured by such a course. 
The relative locations of the United States and the Philip- 
pines, and the climatic and geographical differences won't 
admit ot our so doing. I would say, as Andrew C. Carnegie 
has said— Andrew C. Carnegie, the ablest and best financial 
friend President McKinley ever had in all his sixteen years in 
Congress, and the one who always contributed largely to the 
campaign fund that helped to keep him there — Andrew C. 
Carnegie said, " The Manufacturer of Kngland, Germany or 
France, the farmer of Australia, the Baltic Provinces of Rus- 
sia and the Agentine reach the Philippines at about one-half 
the freight cost that the American farmer has to pay upon his 
products or the American Manufacturer has to pay upon man- 
ufactured articles. " 

I would say also that if we discriminated by granting our- 
selves free trade in the Philippines, and imposing against 
other countries the most consistent tariff for revenue, the bal- 
ance ot trade would then be against us and in their favor ; 
for their freight charges and revenue duties included would 
not amount to the freight charges alone in our trade. 

Trade drifts in natural channels, and all man can do is to 
play upon its current. He can not make the current run up hill 



26 



b)^ any force he would uselessly summon, were it intended to 
run down hill. And every time he undertakes to modify it in 
the least, he is going to do just that much work in the world 
for nothing ; and his outlay in every instance will be equal to 
his income, and in the major offenses will far surpass his 
income ; and after all his efforts, his little artificial stream of 
trade is going to trickle back into the great natural one, in 
obedience to fate and Divine Wisdom. 

Tell me that we have any business in the Philippines ! 
Why you might as well undertake to make me belieye that a 
West Virginia farmer should always have a potato patch in 
California ! 

May God help us to be careful. 

Truly, " Eternal vigilance is the price of virtue. " 




CHAPTER V. 

Well, if we can not, with impunity to ourselves and the 
Philippines, enforce our power there ; let us turn the tables 
once more upon the footing of independence. 

If we should propose to form for the Philippinos an inde- 
pendent government, and put it into good working order, 
which we are now morally bound to do ; if we should promise 
to assign to him at some future date, (the date should be 
specified,) entire control of that government, provided he 
agree to pay our stipulated expenses in organizing it for him, 
and protecting it in its incipiency ; methinks the result would 
be that the animosity of the Philippino would gradually melt 
before our true searchlight of civilization like an April snow 
before the sun. He would take courage. He would view the 
future with bright prospects. He would, and well may he, 
gladly pay e reasonable redemption fee for his deliverance 
from the bonds of Spanish cruelty and the American Expan- 
sionists' schemes of extortion. He would doff his military 



27 



.^arb. and convert the battle field into a grain field. He 
would, with prospects of a bright future, incline his attention 
toward those pursuits which would provide food for his hun- 
gry, education for his ignorant, morality and religion for his 
immoral and treacherous, and perpetual liberty and self-gov- 
ernment for his now down-trodden and oppressed people. 
Philipi^ino oppo.sition now extant would then be converted 
into Philippino assistance in our work for his sake. And our 
$60,000,000 expenses annually there, would be minimized to 
less than $13,500,000, the amount of revenues now collected, 
and the $13,500,000 revenue, owing to increase of trade and 
the ajiplication of the energy of the Philippino now engaged 
in war to the various oivil pursuits in life and liberty, would 
be augumented to beyond $60,000,000. Such a condition 
would imbue the Philii)pino with a hope of soon paying us 
for the exercise of our good offices for his redemption, and 
such a ccjndition would happily inspire our people at home 
and our soldiers and officers engaged to do the good work in 
the Philij^iMnes with a heartier moral courage. 

We should make it a point in- the period of governmental 
organization in the Philippines to be very careful to appoint 
the Philii)pino to office whenever his capabilities will admit of 
our so doing. We should institute and organize original 
states in such sections as are most favorable, and form for 
these original .states a union, and provide for elections and 
.statute laws which may be adapted to the requirements. We 
should provide also for the admission of new^ states that may 
afterward be formed. We should place his government on a 
firm bais for his benefit and not ours. In doing all this we 
should keep .self in the background, realizing that at the end 
of the specified period we were going to " .stir the nest " and 
let the little eaglet look out for itself. The true laborer is 
only worthy of his hire, and that is all he expects. 

That the average Philippino is a being inferior to the 
average American citizen,! do not doubt. But they deserve 
credit for what thev are at the hands of extortion. Many of 
them are well qualified for u.sefulness in the various vocations. 

Say they are not capable of intellectual improvement, or .say 
they are uneducated as a whole, and you say a lie. Many of 
them are peers to our average American college graduates. 
Many Philippinos have been educated in Europe. I often 
hear our college graduates say that they would like to take a 
course in a European college. Why, the Philippine Congress 
contains eighty-four members who are graduates of European 
colleges, and yet greed has branded them as ignorant out- 



28 



laws. It is an injustice to the cause of righteousness and a 
shame upon our nation, that we do not grant this people free- 
dom, and let the better element of it go to work with a fos- 
tering love and a fond anxiety for the elevation and advance- 
ment of its own race. 

The Philippine Commission could not more conclusively 
exhibit its partiality and reverence for King Greed than it 
does by citing a whole prologue in its report to bring out, the 
false inference, that it thinks that inasmuch as the Philip- 
pinos have onh' been fighting for a redress of grievances for 
the last three hundred years and not for independance, they 
should not now fight for independence, and should not 
have it. 

Should our forefathers, who conceived our independence 
for us while we were yet fighting for a redress of grievances, 
rise from their graves, and in a review of the fullness of 
their honor pass b}' this Philippine Commission, its members 
couid only, with deference to themselves, hang their heads in 
shame until the procession had passed. 

The Philippine Commission should remember that we were 
fighting in one way or another, with tongue or pen or sword, 
through centuries also for a redress of grievances only, and 
that the Revolutionary War was in the beginning a fight for 
a redress of grievances. Will they .say that that was any rea- 
.son wh}' we .should not have indepedence ? Would they have 
stepped up to Thomas Jeffer.son while he was writing that 
glorious declaration of rights, and have told him that the 
American Colonies did not now deserve liberty because the}^ 
had onl}' been fighting for a redress of grievances ? Then right 
bitterly methinks he would have rebuked them. Why, we 
should better tear down the turf that wraps the clay of our 
forefathers, and have dragged the Statue of Washington in its 
entirety from our Capitol steps amid the Dewey celebrities, 
than to thus dishonor the spirit of our martyred patriots. 

" Whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, do ye 
even so to them." 



29 



CHAPTER VI. 

A great humanitarian and theologian has said, " For $20 - 
000.000 we have purchased of Spain a tablet upon which to 
write the epitaph of the nation." Now, although there is 
truthful significance in his words, it seems to me we are a right 
" lively corpse " yet. And if we have purchased the tablet 
for God's sake let us not recognize a decline by writing our 
own epitaph. We can use that tablet for better pur,joses. It 
was a mistake to have bought it unless it was our ii tention to 
shape it into a statue which would symbolize freedom and 
denounce tyrany tliroughout the world. We can use it in this 
way yet. Will we do it ? 

Some may say we can't afford to use the tablet for this pur- 
pose and lose the 20,000,000. I would say we had far better 
use it for the statue than to let it lie idle ; because we don't 
want to set it up as our own tombstone. We nave paid the 
$20,000,000, instead of which all we can claim is the table.. 
I fancy making the double faced statue of it rather than a 
tombstone ; even if by making it a tombstone we should 
regain the $20,000,000 and have the torn us .one also. I dare you 
to measure life, patriotism and justice by tne almighty dollar. 
We should better throw the $20,000,000 to the dogs than to 
have need to order for ourselves a tombstone by trying to 
regain that $20,000,000,— and with usury, as Senator M. A. 
Hanna might suggest.— Why, our revenues now amount to 
something like $2,000,000 a day, and we are now prodigalty 
spending millions every month. And it doesn't seem to hurt 
us, so President McKinley said. Is such a nation as this 
going to barter its existance ? or, like Esaw, sell its birthright 
for a mess of pottage ? or write its own epitaph and pose 
under it in the arms cf death throughout the ages that shall 
roll? And all to regain, by extorsion, the paltry sum of 
$20,000,000, which was mistakenly applied or which was paid 
for the material out of which to build the double-faced statue ? 
Shall President McKinley in the midst of his glorious suc- 
cesses for the redemption of the Cubans wisely erect from the 
Philippine Tablet that double-faced statue ? I can not help 



3<> 



believing that he bought it for the statue. But I fear that by 
the tumult of his Spanish War record and the vanity of his 
advisors he has been led into forbidden paths. I fear that he 
is chiseling the tablet for the nation's tombstone, and carving 
the first letters of the inscription. Oh, may he retrace his 
steps and remodel his work, or will some one else take 

it up ? 

I think that of the two wrongs we would far better lose the 
$20,000,000 than to colonize the Philippines. But we shall 
not need to do either. The Philippines will righteously pay 
this as a part of their redemption; but they will not pay any 
other expenses which we may have incurred in our relations 
with them up to the date of treating with them on a basis of 
independence. It may be well to claim in part payment of this 
$20,000,000, an island or a port or two, which we may need 
as a coaling and naval station. All we need, and all we should 
have for our own good, outside of our Continuous Domain 
ana Alaska, is a tew naval stations here and there, wherever 
new avenues of trade are naturally opened up. We should 
no want Hawaii, nor Cuba, nor the Philippines, nor even 
Porto Rico. I am opposed to continued expansion, and I 
believe it means retrogression and trouble. 




CHAPTER VII. 

I am twenty-seven years of age to-day, and of that twenty- 
seven years I have been in the school-room twenty-one years, 
the last ten of which I have been engaged in teaching. I 
have gradually imbibed a fond patriotism and an unselfish 
anxiety tor the future welfare of our people, and the boys and 
glris who have been under my tutilage, and tho.se like them 
throug'^out our land. 1 think that my study of geography 
and his.ory and my efforts in my teaching for oUiers' sake has 
chiefly done this good work for me. I remember somethings 



31' 



incidental to the involution of my mental attainments, what- 
ever they may be. I remember how my early knowledge of 
geography revolved itself in my mind. 

I was direc.ed .o the map of our Contiguous Domain, and 
was told that it was our country, and that "happily, it was one 
of the grandest on the globe. Then it w^as explained tome 
why it was so great and grand, and naturally I began to love 
it ; because of its location, its resources, the li tie scattering 
facts of history I had picked up— like the " hatchet story " — 
all this and beca' se it was our country I loved it. 

The while before I knew about Alaska, whenever my eye 
caught sight of our map, and very often in my imaginations 
of it, there would flash throughout my being a pleasant and 
almost indescribable feeling— satisfaction, comfort, consola- 
tion, competency and gratitude are words which may help to 
describe it. I thought our country was the grandest count"y 
on the globe, and had the prettiest map in the geography. I 
admired its shape, even the Peninsula of Florida and the little 
buttress at Minnesota. It was so neatly bounded on the north 
by Conada, on the east by the Atlantic, on the south by Mex- 
ico and the Gulf, and ori the west by the Pacific. Oh,' I did 
love it ! 

Then one day I was told that x\laska was a part of the 
United States. It was hard for me to believe it. I know just 
how I felt. I wished it wasn't so. But later I was told that 
it was ve.-y valuaule for its furs and fisheries, and its lumber 
and minerals, and it was yet thinley settled, and owing to 
climate it would never contain a vary dense population ; and 
that for all these reasons we did well to get it. —Well, I sub- 
mitted. I had to adapt my mind to the decree. I tried to 
associate Alaska with the United States as well as I could ; 
and I did it without much effort, too. Whenever my mind 
imaged the map of the United States, there was Alaska- 
there it hung away out there by itself with the southern 
extension as a handle pointing this way, as if saying, " hold 
me." But I gradually gained patience and resignation, and 
even thought it was better to have Alaska ; and that it would 
do very well for a back-yard if we did have to go to it in a 
boat. 

But, oh, how dark and gloomy w^ere my forebodings when I 
learned that w ewere about to .secure Hawaii ? By this time I 
had gained some knowledge of general history. I knew that 
it was expansion that proved fatal to the great empires be- 
fore us, and that without the instrumentality and forethought 
of wise statesmanship, insatiate greed would, in this wa^-, get 



32 



the best of us, too. My prayer was that we would not meddle 
with Hawaii. And I made a solemn vow, as did Lincoln when 
he saw the slaves sold at the block and driven off like cattle, 
that if I could ever use my influence to check this crime 
against the nation which our forefathers conceived in blood 
and tears for us, I would do it. 



= iC > 




CHAPTER VIII. 

It seems to me that our Republican friends are going to get 
their tariff and expansion ideas muddled. The two are incom- 
patible unless they eke in, in some way, the word "bondage" 
or "sectional discrimination." If they have free-trade with 
Hawaii, Cuba, Porte Rico, and the Philippines, as ve have 
between our states, that will be just that much free-trade, won't 
it? At least that is the way I view it. If they should have 
the whole world under Uncle Sam's coat I wonder which they 
would have, free-trade or sectional discrimmation. I expect 
they would choose the latter ; and they would have a great muss 
of it, too, in a short while. 

From this line of thought, as also man}' others, any reason- 
able man will conclude that we should appose expansicn if we 
would avoid trouble, preserve this nation intact, and stand for 
the peace of the world. If a nation absorbs others about it, it 
will lose its identity, and this will cause patriotism to wane and 
sectional jealousy to arise. 

It fills my heart with grief to think that our expansionist 
friends are so unwise as to argue, that because we have 
profited by expansion in the past we will continue always to 
profit by it ; that because Thomas Jefferson bought the terri- 
tory of Louisiana we should hold fast to the Philippines ; that 
because our forefathers acted wisely by expanding our terri- 
torial limits, it would be wise to continue expansion. Crab- 






apples could not agonize my feelings more than such argument. 

I would that all men should agree that it is foolish and 
inexpedient for one nation to even attempt to legislate for the 
whole earth. I would that all men should agree that it was 
wise and expedient for our forefathers to expand the limits of 
our Contiguous Domain ; and that there must, therefore, be 
a consi.stent mean to our territorial limits. Then I would that 
the American voters should agree, and forever so decide with 
their ballots, that the consistent mean of the territorial limits 
over which our grand government should be exercised is 
embraced in our Contiguous Domain and Alaska. 

Then I would that our government should be so nearly 
righteous that other governments might typify with profit. 
But let us discontinue the greedy absorption process, and 
establish our national identity of continued being. Then with 
a normal stature, mature and in good health, let us go about 
our life-work, throughout which we shall let our light so shine 
before men that others, seeing our good works, may thereby 
glorify our Father which is in heaven. This is the t7'uc spirit 
of patriotism, and in it can we turn upon the worFd the true 
seorch-lio;ht of civilization, which will shine so bright as to 
cause the demons of sin to seek their more secluded allot- 
ment. 

Tlie immature corn is unfit for use, and the ear that expands 
until it bursts the shuck, rots. Methinks, this is the text 
from which our expansionist forefathers would now preach to 
our greedy friends. 

Hxpansioni.sts should remember that our past territorial 
expansion is quite different from the proposed colonial policy. 

Whenever territories have been acquired in the past they 
have been immediately placed upon a basis of freedom and 
self-government. Their people have been as surely guaran- 
teed protection of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness as 
have the people of any other state in our Union. So sure and 
well known is this guarantee to the territories that our citi- 
zens migrate from the states to them without the least doubt 
that they may thereby lose any of their liberties as citizens. 
Discrimination between any other state or section in our 
Union and these territories is .strictly and plainly forbidden 
by our Federal Law. And our laws also guarantee to these 
territories legislative powers in our government as soon as 
they are found to contain the required population. There can 
be no inequalities in Federal Taxation throughout the 
United States and the organized territories thereof. So reads 
the law. 






M 



Wculd our expansionist friends have any inequalities 
between the Philippines and our States ? If so, they are, 
through the instrumentality of King Greed, instituting bond- 
age and creating castes in our republic, which is treason. If 
they would not have discriminating taxation in the Philip- 
pines, or there execute predatory schemes of some kind, then, 
in the name of God and for the sake of humanity, I would 
ask : What are we fighting for ? I would ask : What advan- 
tage it would be to us to hoist our flag by force over the Phil- 
ippino, give him a seat in congress and grant the Malay race 
legislative powers in our government. We already have two 
races there represented, and many consider that a fact grievous 
to be borne. But we cannot, with justice, refuse to carry that 
fact since the two races are found under our flag. We can 
only profit by looking with compassion upon our weaker and 
down-trodden brother in either race, and by trying to elevate 
him. xAnd this is quite enough for us to do at present. We 
should have no desire to place the Malay race under our flag, 
or to cause it to immigrate upon our people. 

Why not redeem the Philippino and equip him for compe- 
tency and independance, at a reasonable tee ? Think of it — 
to enforce our power over the Philippino for the purpose of 
extorsion, or to make him a citizen. It makes my heart sick. 
Well may the preacher .say it is vanity. 



- --^-^^^5-^^'^ ' - 



CHAPTER IX. 

•' What is a man profited if he gain the whole world and lose 
his own soul?" — Matt. 16-26. 

What is a nation profited if it gain the whole world and then 
lose all even that which it now hath ? What shall it profit the 
United States to continue expansion and get into trouble, which 
we would do if we should make our new possessions bond or 



.-^."^ 



free ? If we will have a colonial polic}' of discrimination, then 
the American Geslers shall meet their oppressed on the field 
of battle, for so always to tyrants it shall be — " Sic Sevipet 
Tyrannise Or if instead of colonial discrimination we should 
choose diversities of representative citizenship, diversities of 
races under our flag, diversities of geographical and commer- 
cial conditions, then we shall also have diversities of civil 
strife. For so long as we have a variable climate in the world 
which nurtures variety in races, variety in human temperament, 
variety in occupations, variety in manners and customs of 
people ; and so long as man shall be easily led into sin by show- 
ing partiality and exhibiting his selfishness; so long it was 
intended that one nation should not rule the earth or any 
greatly diversified part of it. History has illustrated this. 
Every nation that has adopted the continued expansion "^policy 
has been found to practice unjust discrimination, which, sooner 
or later, proved to be ruinous and fatal. 

If this polic\' were not practiced we would not notice the 
ushering in of new nations upon the world's history .so fre- 
quentl}^ and the ushering out of the old. We would not notice 
such irregularities and complexities in the boundaries and 
make-up of the countries of the old world to-day. The moun- 
tain barriers of Hi.story and Geography, which lie across every 
school-bov's line of march to the Valley of Educational 
Attainments, would not be so high and many of weaker cour- 
age would emigrate from the Plains of Ignorance, which are 
.so noted for the production of that raw material called Mis- 
applied Brains, out of which \^ice is manufactured and shipped 
throughout the world. Oh, may wise policies be adopted for 
the countries of the New World, .so that their boundaries may 
be established and always be pleasing to the eye, and their 
history a delight to .study. 

This infernal practice of governmental expansion and arti- 
ficial control and modification of trade causes more sin and 
misery and heartache than all things else combined. It is 
Chief of the Devil's vStaff in the world. It is the Demon that 
has. in all ages and in all climes, dared to venture out in the 
brilliant vitalizing sunlight and pure air, among our agricul- 
tural classes, and rob them of their vitality and happiness and 
leave them in poverty, distress and disease. It is the Demon 
that has congested the populations in great cities and driven 
the people to abodes amid the .stench of foul alleys and the 
gases and smokes above the tenth story. It is the Demon 
which has done all this, and then .stands " laughing in his 
sleeve " at the modern scientist trying to determine the 



3^ 



cause of the advance of poverty, mortality, disease and 

crime. 

If this Demon were driven from the face of the earth, then 
es ery human being would get a much better allotment of pure 
air, sunlignt, wnolesome food and all the bounties of art and 
..ai'ure. Then would poverty and gourmalidized aristocracy, 
disease and mortality and crime, gradually vanish from 
among us, and human life would roll on to good old ages of 
modern Methusellahs. 

Imagine, too, the enormous freight charge of useless ship- 
ping to these congested centers of manufacture and trade. It 
may do for tlie balance of the world to go to the Torrid Zone 
lo trade tor oranges, but it would be unwise and inexpedient 
to carry all structural material there, because oranges grow 
there, and have it there manutactured, and bring back the 
hnished product. 

Lould not more of our manufacturers profit by coming out 
of the congested populations, noise and loul air of the city to 
the country town nearer their raw material .'' \A/ould it not be 
better to let the common carriers do more useful carrying and 
less useless carrying.-' Would it not be better to let them 
carry more ol tne tmiohed product and not so much raw 
material ? 

Common carriers are errand runners for the people and they 
deserve to be well paid for their work. But i tell you fellow 
laborers, farmers, and brother teachers, that it is a sign of a 
process of sap-sucking and abnormal conditions to see the 
managers and employees of carrier companies so much more 
prosperous than other clas.ses. — Did I say employees ? Yes, 
but I mean -d false prosperity for them, at their expense as well 
as at the expense of other laborers. I mean that the total 
amount of money paid out to employees of common carriers 
is too much. Understand I don't mean that each employee is 
paid too much. I mean a majority of them are not paid 
enough. The money is not rightly distributed. There are 
too many of the boys " running extra " as they call it, making 
a few days in a month, enough to pay their board bill some- 
times, and lying idle the balance of the time. It seems to me 
it would be better for them to work regular or quit and get at 
something else, and let the fellow that is retained work more 
regular. It is a shame to see how the human race is being 
wnipped around and deluded and misled by the money power. 
Would it not be better if less money were paid to the employ- 
ees and it were better distributed, and they had regular 
work at the .same wages, or as nearly as possible, as they are 



37 



now getting ? Is it not a dangerous sign to see so many labor- 
ers begging their bread, you might say, from the common 
carriers, instead of earning a good living in their employment? 
And is it not more dangerous to see that they really do get 
this bread pieced out to them along the route by the carriers, 
when that bread does not belong to the carrier companies but 
to the people who smarted them on their errand ? If these peo- 
ple should need to beg ( which they do not naturally ) why 
not let them beg that bread from the people who have earned 
it by their labor, and to whom it rightly belongs, instead of 
from these prodigal errand runners ? And should we think, 
either, that this bread which is dished oi t to honorable pau- 
pers by these erra id runners is nearly all that disa^j^jears ? I 
think it is not. Have I herein encompassed a thought that 
manufacturers, farmers, laborers, professionalists and voters, 
would do well to consider? If I have, I hope they may do so, 
and when there is the least doubt leave it, also, in favor of the 
prisoner at the bar — the health of the huma \ race. 

What a horrible spectacle it is for a nation to practice 
expansive adhesion and assimilation, corrupting and decom- 
posing its being by sapping the life-blood from the surface 
capillaries to congested centers within until the skin is sallow 
and the heart is sick. Truly, nations as well as individuals 
should have a normal size and a social .spirit. Hawaii, or 
Cuba, or Porto Rico, or the Philippines can only be cancerous 
modifications of the normal structure of our nation. 

I nope I shall not De accused of harbDri ag any sectional 
prejudice against any part of our common country, for that 
does not rankle in my breast. I love our national heritage, 
and desire to see it only symmetrically developed in its en- 
tirety, to every nook and corner of its boundary. I would 
only see it undergo normal metamorphoses, passing on from 
its present marvelous attainments to more sublime and greater 
usefulness in the world. I would have its every act and voli- 
tion conducive to the establishment of a character which 
might be approved by Omnipotent Justice as a model for the 
world. And I believe that our national heritage, through a 
righteous guidance of the poople would attain to a glory 
which would excite the admiration of the most sanguine. 
This country is .so located, geographically and commercially, 
and endowed with such vast resources, as to make it, if it con- 
siders and acts toward others w^th good will and chari^-y, the 
most glorious nation the world shall ever have known. Of 
CO irse it would be im jracticable, but if it were necessa.-y, it 
couM better exis^ indepe.ident of trade and comm^u'cation 



3« 



with the outside world than any nation on the globe. 
■ I would see this nation attend to its own business and util- 
ize every part of its own estate, and not encroach upon its 
neighbors' farms, since a farmer can be a benefit to his neigh- 
bor Without tresspassing. I believe, since it is happily a fact 
that the North and the vSouth and the West are within our 
domain, that it is more conducive to the symmetrical develop- 
ment aud utilization of the entire country to have, proportion- 
ately, more manufacturing done at the North, more cotton 
raised at the South, and more wheat raised in the West. But 
it does not follow that either section cannot be utilized in 
many other ways, or that there is any need of congesting pop- 
ulations in manufacturing and commercial centers. 

I think that if the people of our country consider their own 
interest as a nation, they will realize, also, that the nation can 
do more good for the people of the outside world, by neither 
espousing their governments, nor coveting their inheri- 
tance, nor encroaching upon their territory. I believe it is 
our duty, as a nation of power, influence and character, to 
assist our down-trodden brother throughout the world in 
every way we can, even though sometimes at our own expense; 
but by so doing it is neither necessary nor expedient for us to 
become espoused to them or covet their possessions. 

■' Do you slumber in your tent Christian Soldier, 
While the foe is spreading woe though the land ? 

Do you note his rising power growing bolder every hour? 
Will he not our land devour while you stand." 



"Let us ari.se, all unite, 

Let us arise in our might, 

Let us ari.se speak for God and the right." 



39 



CHAPTER X. 

In order to protect themselves and other American states 
from the selfishness and greed of European nations, our peo- 
ple have adopted the precious Monroe Doctriric, which im- 
plies that anj^ attempt by a European nation to gain dominion 
in America sha.'l be considered by the United States as an 
unfriendly act. 

I would suggest that in connection with this cherished 
Monroe Doctrine, and in order to protect themselves and 
others from the selfishness and greed of our own nation, that 
the people adopt the doctrine that any attempt by the rulers 
of this nation to extend our sovereignty beyond Alaska and 
our Contiguous Domain shall be considered as an unfriendly 
act. 

I would regard the establishment of this doctrine more im- 
portant to our national self-preservation than the establish- 
ment of the Monroe Doctrine. Yet, both are wholesome and 
beautiful, and deserve to be cherished by our people, and 
handed down to the hearts of succeeding generations by his- 
tory and tradition. 

Show me a true Christian gentleman, and I will show you 
a man who co.isiders it more important to guard against his 
own selfishness than the selfishness of others. Show me a 
good and truly enlightened nation, and I will show you a 
nation which considers it more important to guard against its 
own selfishness than the selfishness of other nations. We, as 
a nation, or as individuals, need to watch both our own selfish- 
ness and the selfishness of others. 

Trusting that God may help our people to see the impor- 
tance of this doctrine, I now submit this manuscript, as a 
work of supplication and thanks on this Thanksgiving Day, 
1S99, with the poetic benediction of Henry H. Harri.son : 



40 

No Empire — vSave it be Thine Own ! 

God of our Fathers whose command 

Parted the waters from the land, 

And led our grandsires here — that we 

Might dwell in peace and liberty, 

Be with us in this trying hour. 

And save us from the Tempter's power ! 

Ruler of Battles ! who sustained 
The patriot armies ' till they gained 
Our freedom from the kings of earth, 
Who gave the great republic birth, 
Grant that the nation still may see 
The star of hope, of liberty ! 

Grant that this people still may lead 
The onward march Thou hast decreed. 
And may our glorious mission be — 
To lead mankind to liberty — 
Until the time appointed brings 
The coming of the King of Kings ! 

Son of the Morning ! who hast known 
How to refuse an earthly throne, 
Grant us, too, that grace to make that choice 
Ard heed not Satan's tempting voice. 
Or money-changers, who would sell 
And league us to the powers of hell ! 

Grant that th's land may know no throne. 
No empire — save it be Thine Own, 
No empire built with fire and sword. 
No empire Stained with tears and blood, 
No empire o'er unwilling slaves, 
O'er ashes, bones and patriot gra\'es ! 

Grant that the great republic's name 
May never bear the rob er's shame, 
Nor Yankee lust for blood ard gold 
Call down the doom of empires old ! 
Grant that the needless blood we shed 
Be not upon our children's head ! 



41 



O Prince of Peace 1 make us content 
With our own boundless continent, 
Not sending armies o'er the waves 
To make far distant nations slaves ; 
And may our prayer for others be — 
That every people may be free ! 

Rebuke the hypocrites who claim 

To conquer others in Thy name, 

The blasphemy which would compel 

Thy Gospel spread with shot and shell, 

The Baal priests who stay to teach 

And fill their pockets while they preach ! 

Lord God of Sabbaoth ! when we fight, 
May it be only for the right. 
And not to plunder those who stand 
For freedom and their native land ! 
From blood and spoil make us forbear ! 
God of the Patriot! hear our prayer! 



1900 



LltSKHKY Ur- CUNOKhbb 



013 744 608 fl 



/ 



